This article examines the motivation, scope, findings and reception of the survey of London, Liverpool, Manchester, Leeds and Birmingham which the French journalist Léon Faucher published in Etudes sur l’Angleterre (1843–5). Sources include Faucher’s letters, the original and revised text, the English translator’s notes, and reviews in the British, French and German press. Faucher’s fieldwork led him to question liberal orthodoxy and propose remedies to alleviate working-class distress. Exceptionally in eighteen-forties Britain, the continental socio-economic treatise was widely discussed and acclaimed. Elucidating Faucher’s thought and setting it in context illuminates the contrast between him and other writers, particularly Friedrich Engels.
Sir Charles Middleton, Lord Barham (1726–1813), occupies a pivotal place in naval history. His evangelical religiosity is well known, but while considerable attention has been given to how this shaped his administrative reforms, his manipulation of patronage to promote his co-religionists has, until now, been ignored or brushed under the carpet. This article uses contemporary correspondence, diaries and printed works to reconstruct for the first time a powerful nexus that bound Pittite politicians to Wilberforce and his circle, one that spanned parliament, the church, naval administration and the seagoing officer corps. In doing so it throws new light on how evangelicals gained such a strong foothold in late Hanoverian public affairs.
This article traces the adoption and ideological uses of the image of the pious Norman dukes in four consecutive hagiographical texts written in twelfth-century England. While this is a well-known topos of the earlier Norman tradition, its reception in England has been neglected in the existing scholarship. The article also examines further evidence of an interest in pious Norman dukes under Henry II, focusing on the translation of the remains of Richard I and Richard II at Fécamp in Normandy in 1162 and discussing whether the dukes’ official cult could have been established. The conclusion situates the material in the general context of the development of the cults of lay rulers in twelfth-century Europe and sheds light on the interplay between hagiography, historical memory and politics at the time.
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Jacobitism has been shown to be an integral and enduring element of British culture, especially during the twenty-six years following the Revolution of 1688. Yet few attempts have been made to explore the impact or existence of Jacobitism in the British Atlantic world. This article locates and examines the presence of Jacobitism in the religious controversies and transatlantic print culture of colonial New England from 1702 to 1727 and draws tentative conclusions about the existence and significance of Jacobitism in the British Atlantic.
This article examines three vernacular chronicles written from contrasting view-points: the Scalacronica of Sir Thomas Gray, whose father was linked with Edward II’s court, and the ‘Long’ and ‘Short’ continuations of the prose Brut, both markedly sympathetic towards Thomas of Lancaster, leader of the opposition to the king. This is a period which saw a sea change in the crown’s attitude towards rebellion, but the accounts of these chronicles suggest that a significant part of the political community did not accept the crown’s new definition of treason.
John Knox’s First Blast and Christopher Goodman’s Superior Powers arguably represent two of the most radical pamphlets produced during the reign of Mary Tudor. Both texts were published in Geneva in early 1558 and attracted the displeasure not only of their authors’ fellow exiles, but also of Queen Elizabeth herself when she heard of their publication. Ever since, these pamphlets have been closely associated with the climate of radicalism which supposedly prevailed in Geneva under the aegis of Calvin. Yet, it is also clear from his writings that Calvin never went so far as to endorse any of the Marian exiles’ most controversial ideas. Rather, archival and bibliographical evidence suggests that it was the lively and highly competitive Genevan book trade, combined with inconsistent mechanisms of censorship and a system of monopolies favouring the wealthiest printing firms, which provided ideal conditions for the publication of these pamphlets.
This article presents documents from the archive of the central committee of the Romanian Communist party, recording the January 1949 Moscow conference that established the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (C.M.E.A.). It argues that the creation of the C.M.E.A. began as a Romanian initiative and presents the process by which the document constituting the C.M.E.A. was elaborated in early 1949. There is generally very little information on the creation of the C.M.E.A., so while it was not possible to use evidence from the Moscow archives, these findings, corroborated by studies involving sources from other communist archives, will help to create a better understanding of this event.
This article argues for a revised view of the British eugenic sterilization campaign, proposing that a failure to maximize the contemporary political terrain significantly contributed to its lack of legislative success. The Eugenics Society’s unwillingness to alienate Labour or overtly to link sterilization to concerns articulated by Conservative M.P.s rendered it somewhat rudderless when, actually, it could have been attached to broader concerns (including the economic depression). While there were key elements arguing for a more aggressively pro-Tory stance, the fact that the strongest advocate of this course, George Pitt-Rivers, was so sympathetic to Nazi Germany undermined this strategy’s chances.
This article examines three ways of representing space as a commodity that played key roles in colonial Delhi: maps, lease deeds and auctions. These representations were related to the buying and selling of real estate in distinct ways. At the same time, they also referred to and relied on each other to give effect to their pronouncements. Two elements can be traced running through these disparate representations: connections between space and time, and the imbrication of state and property market. This article argues that the ability to utilize these elements in order to develop narratives about urban space was a critical constituent of state power
This article explores how the Boy Scout movement moved from an inward looking and decidedly militaristic programme to one which embraced liberal internationalism following the First World War. It argues that the Boy Scouts’ wholehearted embrace of internationalism was not inevitable; in fact it was a complex and inconsistent transition, and the result of unintentional circumstances. Furthermore, internationalism did not replace but merely supplemented the movement’s older aims of organizational autonomy and the promotion of empire. During the inter-war period, these competing motives informed and strained the Boy Scouts’ interactions with the public and with other internationalist organizations such as the League of Nations and the League of Nations Union
Thanks to the globalization of relief and increasing global food output, the famines of the twenty-first century (so far), Somalia (civil war) and North Korea (autarky) apart, have been small. Today malnutrition is a much more intractable and pressing problem than famine, even though the proportion of the world’s poor that is malnourished has been declining. Moreover, although the prospects for avoiding famines in peacetime in the short run are good, global warming looms in the medium term. These contrasting signals are not lost on international non-governmental organizations.